Here is a presentation on ritual abuse
by Ted Gunderson, a 27-year FBI veteran and former LA Senior Special Agent
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Int J Clin Exp Hypn. 1994 Oct; 42(4): 433-46 Spanos NP, Burgess CA, Burgess MF
People sometimes fantasize entire complex scenarios and later define these experiences as memories of actual events rather than as imaginings. This article examines research associated with three such phenomena: past-life experiences, UFO alien contact and abduction, and memory reports of childhood ritual satanic abuse. In each case, elicitation of the fantasy events is frequently associated with hypnotic procedures and structured interviews which provide strong and repeated demands for the requisite experiences, and which then legitimate the experiences as "real memories." Research associated with these phenomena supports the hypothesis that recall is reconstructive and organized in terms of current expectations and beliefs.
We decided to document the behavior of 87 children involved in multiple victim/multiple perpetrator sexual abuse by developing and administering surveys to families. Data gathered at 2 1/2 years (1990) and 7 years (1994) after the disclosures indicated the behavioral status of the children at different developmental stages. This data was compared to clinical information available prior to the abuse, and initial survey data rendered at 6 weeks after disclosure (Jonker & Jonker-Bakker, 1991). The objective was to document the behavior of the victims during the healing process.A questionnaire was sent to the parents of 87 children who were abused in 1987. The parents returned the completed questionnaire, and were interviewed in our clinic.Data from the 1990 and 1994 surveys indicate that 39% of the children involved, who lived in supportive family environments, had changed as a result of the abuse. They exhibited behavior within acceptable, normal guidelines for childhood development. In 1994, 7% of the children involved showed signs of more severe behavioral disorders.The findings indicate that physical and behavioral signs apparent in the 1990 and 1994 surveys were not recognized at the time the abuse occurred. Many of the children exhibit normal, acceptable behavior at the time of the most recent survey (1994).
Six hundred Massachusetts-registered psychiatrists were surveyed for their opinions on items plausibly related to the production of false memories of childhood sexual abuse. One hundred fifty-four psychiatrists completed the written questionnaire. A majority of respondents (69%) endorsed the following statement: "The numbers of false accusations of childhood sexual abuse, appearing to emerge from the psychotherapy of adults, constitute a real problem needing public acknowledgment as such by the mental health professions." Nevertheless, a substantial minority endorsed the following practices: 37% endorsed searching for childhood roots of presenting complaints; 36% endorsed validation (expressed belief) of the patient's memories as an essential part of therapy; 36% believed in appropriateness of affect as an indicator of truth in memories; 36% believed in the therapeutic value of abreaction; 26% would refer presumed survivors of abuse to specialists in incest recovery; 18% believed in ritual abuse as an important cause of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and dissociative disorders; 18% trusted symptom checklists as indicators of sexual abuse histories; and 15% believed that memory is a complete record of the individual's history. Small minorities (6% to 8%) endorsed these practices: using hypnosis to gain access to repressed memories of childhood abuse; patient confrontation of alleged abusers; and recommending the severing of contacts with skeptical family members. A factor analysis was performed, and it was found that self-designated specialists were more likely than nonspecialists to score toward the riskier pole of the four factors extracted.
This paper will present illustrations from Adult Attachment Interviews conducted with adult female survivors of chronic ritual abuse in their family of origin. A model of multiple personality disorder informed by the Adult Attachment Interview coding and classification system will be presented. A range of victim, perpetrator and bystander personalities may be identified in the same interview, indeed in the same speaker. For the speaker who believes herself to be one of a number of co-existing personalities, integration and coherence means death of a loved one, indeed death of the sense of self. Possibilities of re-birth into a single integrated self are posited.
Children who have survived ritual abuse have endured physical, psychological, and sexual trauma; brain-washing; and mind-altering drugs. Their trust in adults has been eroded. Their coping strategies include anxiety, denial, self-hypnosis, dissociation, and self-mutilation. Although reports of ritual abuse initially seem hard to believe, nurses have a responsibility to detect clues to abuse, diagnose the child's responses, and recognize controversial issues regarding ritual abuse. To evaluate ritual abuse, nurses should avoid interview strategies that influence the child's recall (e.g., coaching, suggestions) and recognize that some reports are discounted as false memories because they emerge from fantasy, distortions, innocent deceptions, false beliefs, lies, or adult coaching. Nurses play an important role in case finding and treatment. They can evaluate clues to ritual abuse to reduce sources of error in assessment, build a child's trust, monitor their own attitudes toward ritual abuse, and intervene to increase self-esteem, empathy, boundary establishment, and coping. Nurses have an important opportunity to detect and begin healing the wounds caused by a child's abuse.
During the past decade in North America, a growing number of mental health professionals have reported that between 25% and 50% of their patients in treatment for multiple personality disorder (MPD) have recovered early childhood traumatic memories of ritual torture, incestuous rape, sexual debauchery, sacrificial murder, infanticide, and cannibalism perpetrated by members of clandestine satanic cults. Although hundreds of local and federal police investigations have failed to corroborate patients' therapeutically constructed accounts, because the satanic etiology of MPD is logically coherent with the neodissociative, traumatic theory of psychopathology, conspiracy theory has emerged as the nucleus of a consistent pattern of contemporary clinical interpretation. Resolutely logical and thoroughly operational, ultrascientific psychodemonology remains paradoxically oblivious to its own irrational premises. When the hermetic logic of conspiracy theory is stripped away by historical and socio/psychological analysis, however, the hypothetical perpetrators of satanic ritual abuse simply disappear, leaving in their wake the very real human suffering of all those who have been caught up in the social delusion.
Because psychiatrists do not have a consistent way to classify and define the forms of child abuse that may be mistaken for ritual abuse, the objective of this paper is to create a comprehensive differential diagnosis of allegations of ritual abuse.The authors reviewed 60 articles, chapters, and books that contained allegations of ritual abuse or behaviors that might be mistaken for ritual abuse, that were made by patients or caretakers.This paper clarifies the behaviors that represent or may be mistaken for ritual abuse: Cult-based ritual abuse, pseudoritualistic abuse, activities by organized satanic groups, repetitive psychopathological abuse, sexual abuse by pedophiles, child pornography portraying ritual abuse, distorted memory, false memory, false report due to a severe mental disorder, pseudologia phantastica, adolescent behavior simulating ritual abuse, epidemic hysteria, deliberate lying, and hoaxes.The differential diagnosis of allegations of ritual abuse is important in both clinical and forensic psychiatry. In some cases, it will not be possible to tell whether a particular allegation is factual or what the underlying mental processes are. It is important to separate the role of the mental health professional as therapist from the role as an expert witness in court.
N Z Med J. 1998 Jun 26; 111(1068): 225-8 Goodyear-Smith FA, Laidlaw TM, Large RG
To survey New Zealand families where an alleged perpetrator and/or other family member denies an accusation involving the childhood molestation of one family member by another, based on a memory recovered in adulthood. As the validity of such memories is crucial, our aim was to develop a profile of such families and to compare it with New Zealand epidemiological data.Information was collected by questionnaire regarding family demographics, characteristics of the accuser, family life, events surrounding and leading up to the accusations, consequences of the accusations and details of the accuser's current life situation. The 73 subjects included fathers, mothers, siblings and other relatives of the accusing adults.Most accusers were highly educated white women, frequently first born or older children from relatively large families, statistically different proportions from those expected. Many accusations involved events of low base-rate probability including satanic ritual abuse. Proportions differed from those of another New Zealand prevalence survey of 1019 18-year-olds in almost every way.The data suggest that it is unlikely that many, if not most, of the memories of child sexual abuse recovered in adulthood are a true reflection of history. Memories recovered during therapy should be treated with respect as part of the patient's narrative truth, but not assumed to be factually accurate without corroborative evidence.
OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is to describe the role of prominent paediatrician Professor Sir Roy Meadow in the controversy surrounding the diagnosis of Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy (MSBP) in mothers accused of murdering their children. CONCLUSION: The MSBP saga is a further chapter of an era of moral panic that started several decades ago with repressed memory therapy, satanic ritual abuse and multiple personalities. The fall of medieval sage Savonarola is an apt analogy for the fate of Roy Meadow. The history of medicine is rife with figures who become their own authority and rule by force of personality.
This case study investigated an intervention that enabled an individual with Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID), and satanic ritual abuse to return to work after discharge from psychiatric inpatient treatment. The Occupational Questionnaire [88] revealed past difficulties in organization, awareness of time, communication, cooperation, frustration tolerance, competition, stress management, goal setting, and amnesia resulting in incomplete tasks and sporadic attendance at work. The Role Checklist [72] identified alters valuing work and employed in the past. The Modified Interest Checklist [70] identified running as an interest that 24 alters shared. Based on the initial evaluations, three times a week treadmill running was used as an intervention that built work skills (as measured by the Clerical Work Sample of the Valpar Component Work Sample Series [97]) necessary to sustain gainful employment upon discharge. After intervention, this individual improved in awareness of time, stress management, and goal setting abilities and was less amnestic as per the Occupational Questionnaire [88] and four additional alters expressed an interest in work according to the Modified Interest Checklist [70].
The goals of the present study were to examine the extent of children's religious, especially satanic, knowledge and to understand the influence of children's age, religious training, family, and media exposure on that knowledge.Using a structured interview, 48 3- to 16-year-old children were questioned about their knowledge of: (a) religion and religious worship; (b) religion-related symbols and pictures; and (c) movies, music, and television shows with religious and horror themes.Although few children evinced direct knowledge of ritual abuse, many revealed general knowledge of satanism and satanic worship. With age, children's religious knowledge increased and became more sophisticated. Increased exposure to nonsatanic horror media was associated with more nonreligious knowledge that could be considered precursory to satanic knowledge, and increased exposure to satanic media was associated with more knowledge related to satanism.Our results suggest that children do not generally possess sufficient knowledge of satanic ritual abuse to make up false allegations on their own. However, many children have knowledge of satanism as well as nonreligious knowledge of violence, death, and illegal activities. It is possible that such knowledge could prompt an investigation of satanic ritual abuse or possibly serve as a starting point from which an allegation is erected.
This study compared the reports of satanic, sexual, and physical abuse of persons instructed to role-play either dissociative identity disorder (DID) (n = 33), major depression (n = 33), or a college student who experienced minor adjustment problems ("normal") (n = 33) across a number of trials that included role-played hypnosis. As hypothesized, more of the participants who were asked to role-play DID reported at least one instance of satanic ritual abuse and sexual abuse compared with those who role-played depression or a college student with minor adjustment problems. DID role-players reported more incidents of sexual abuse and more severe physical and sexual abuse than did the major depression role-players. Further, the DID role-players differed from the normal role-players on all the measures of frequency and severity of physical and sexual abuse. Participants in all groups reported more frequent and severe incidents of physical abuse after role-played hypnosis than they did prior to it.
A growing number of psychiatric patients report satanic ritual abuse, prompting research into this controversial area. In the current study, the Word Association Test (WAT) was modified to assess experience with satanic abuse. Pilot work resulted in norms for two domains: normative and satanic. Female psychiatric patients were compared on their associations in two studies. Based on a sexual history, they were grouped into those reporting sexual abuse, those reporting satanic ritual abuse (SRA), and those without a history of sexual abuse (controls). In both studies, SRA patients gave significantly more total associations, significantly fewer normative associations, and significantly more satanic associations than did the other two groups. These results suggest that an experience base is shared by individuals reporting SRA that is not found in individuals who do not report satanic abuse (even if they do report sexual abuse). The implications of these findings are discussed from the perspective of arguments advanced by advocates and critics of SRA.
Psychol Rep. 1995 Dec; 77(3 Pt 1): 743-7 Noblitt JR
Increasing reports by psychiatric patients of ritual abuse have provoked a debate about the appropriate interpretation of such allegations. Some authors contend that these claims represents fantasy material, dissimulation, or delusions. Others maintain that patients' descriptions of ritualized trauma may constitute a newly identified psychiatric syndrome. The present investigation compared psychometric measures of trauma, the MMPI-2 PK and PS scales, in a group of patients reporting ritual abuse and another group with no such accounts of ritual abuse. Comparisons were statistically significant with mean PK and PS scores of 86.3 and 85.8, respectively, for the 34 reporting ritual abuse and 58.3 and 58.7 for the 31 not reporting ritual abuse. Further, 91% of the patients alleging ritual abuse had scores on at least one of the two scales within the clinical range, i.e., T score > or = 65. It was concluded that patients reporting histories of ritual abuse also showed significantly elevated scores on these scales and their scores were higher than those obtained for a sample of patients not reporting ritual abuse.
This article examines the criminal conviction of Robert Halsey for sexually abusing two young boys on his school-van route near Pittsfield, Massachusetts. Mr. Halsey's name has been invoked by academics, journalists, and activists as the victim of the “witch hunt” in this country over child sexual abuse. Based on a comprehensive examination of the trial transcript, this article details the overwhelming evidence of guilt against Mr. Halsey. The credulous acceptance of the “false conviction” legend about Robert Halsey provides a case study in the techniques and tactics used to minimize and deny sexual abuse, while promoting a narrative about “ritual abuse” and “witch hunts” that apparently requires little or no factual basis. The second part of this article analyzes how the erroneous “false conviction” narrative about Robert Halsey was constructed and how it gained widespread acceptance. The Legend of Robert Halsey provides a cautionary tale about how easy it is to wrap even the guiltiest person in a cloak of righteous “witch hunt” claims. Cases identified as “false convictions” by defense lawyers and political activists deserve far greater scrutiny from the media and the public.
Some of the most highly publicized child sexual abuse trials of this century have involved bizarre allegations of satanic ritual abuse, yet little is known about jurors' reactions to ritual abuse claims. We investigated how jurors' judgements of defendant guilt and witness credibility are affected by the presence or absence of satanic ritual abuse allegations.Two hundred forty-three mock jurors rendered judgments about a case involving childhood sexual abuse allegations made by either a 5-year-old child or a 30-year-old adult survivor. The presence or absence of satanic ritual abuse allegations was varied between subjects. Jurors' religiosity was measured.Although jurors were significantly less likely to believe the satanic ritual allegations than other case details, they were as likely to vote guilty and to believe the victim in satanic as in nonsatanic cases. Victim age had no significant effect on mock jurors' judgments, but there were marked individual differences in decisions: When the allegations involved satanic ritual abuse, religious jurors were more likely than less religious jurors to believe the victim. Further, across all conditions, women made more pro-victim judgements than did men.Our findings suggest that highly bizarre details may be discounted by jurors (particularly less religious jurors), but that jurors may set aside their skepticism of satanic ritual details and make judgments about child sexual abuse cases based on their perceptions of the credibility of nonsatanic allegations of harm. Whether or not this is an accurate approach to decision-making in these cases remains an empirical question.